America, he’s excellent. He also identifies causes and culprits well.
My question is, has he thought through and does he have the ideas
that will solve and rectify these problems? That’s a question that is,
as of now, sort of unanswered. The reason I’m sympathetic to him
is that no one else is even raising it. No one else is even saying that
an $800 billion trade deficit for the last ten years is a problem. He’s
the only guy that’s doing it.
RUSH: Polling data says either Crazy Bernie or Hillary wallop
Trump. Do you think he can beat them in the general?
BUCHANAN: I think nominating Trump would upend the table.
The whole chessboard would go over. We wouldn’t remember where
all the pieces were, and we’d have to put them in there and sort of
start over. In a race with Hillary Clinton
or with Bernie, I think Trump is competitive in some states in the Midwest
that Republicans haven’t won since 1988.
Take a look at Michigan, how well he
did there. Look at Illinois. Look at New
Jersey and even New York. They may
come into play with a Trump nomination because I think he’s a different
beast. Look, Rush, good heavens
[laughs], Bernie Sanders, a socialist running on the trade issue, swept the Democratic Party in Michigan and beat
Queen Hillary. That is amazing. If
Trump can put together some of the
Sanders Democrats, the white working
class Democrats who really are alienated, with the Republicans who are alienated, these enormous turnouts we’ve
gotten, and get the regular Republicans
aboard — which is going to be a big problem — I think he can win.
I think it’s a real possibility. I know some of the numbers now are
RUSH: I agree, Pat, you have to throw it all out. Everything that
everybody thinks they know is history. That’s what’s wrong with all
these prognosticators. Everybody is trying to predict this and fill in
the blanks with a template from 1988.
BUCHANAN: Yes, where we all know the formulas and we can pick
out 47 or 48 of them before the game starts.
RUSH: I’ve had Republican Party people, Mitt Romney, Rand Paul,
a number of them have come here and talked to me. To a man, in
the last two election cycles, they’ve all talked to me as though we
need to broaden the base: “Rush, you’ve got to understand. We Republicans can no longer win the White House with Republican
votes alone.” This has been a setup for them trying to explain to me
why we need to be supportive of open border amnesty and such.
Now I look at what’s happening. Donald Trump has put together
a coalition — and it’s still assembling, it’s still enlarging — of exactly
the kind of voters that these Republicans have told me they need to
win. He’s got white working class, middle class people who feel disaffected by all of Washington, disaffected by the culture. They’re being
blamed for everything that’s gone wrong in the country.
They’re expected now to pay the price for a “party” they had,
from the Founding to the present. Now they’ve got to let other
people have their day in the sun. They’re not guilty. They haven’t
done anything to anybody. They’ve been the backbone of America.
But they’re being told they’re the problem. They are glomming onto
Trump. Some are going to Bernie, but Trump’s getting a lot of
them, Democrats, Reagan Democrats. He’s getting a lot of Hispan-
ics. He’s probably going to attract some African Americans. Yet the
Republican Party, claiming that’s exactly what they need to be a
majority Party, are not interested. Why?
BUCHANAN: If Donald Trump got into the White House, he
would break about 10,000 rice bowls in Washington. Including all
those people in the think tanks. Did you see the 116 foreign policy/
defense policy elites who have been in Republican Administrations
Bush I, Bush II, even back to Reagan, who’ve declared they will not
support Donald Trump? Some of them said they would support
Take the free trade thing. You’ve got all the donor class, all those K
Street guys who work for transnational corporations that have made
their big profits by moving their factories out of the United States,
put them in Costa Rica, Mexico, or China, producing there, bringing
the goods back free of charge, no tariff, put them into Walmarts —
and the difference in profits is enormous. It makes the shareholders
happy and the executives rich and a new class of billionaires, and
Donald Trump threatens the whole game.
RUSH: No question about it. I’ll tell you something else he’s doing.
In addition to the people you talk about, we’ve had these so-called
policy experts and all of these different think tanks who have been
asking average ordinary Americans for money, for donations:
“Please help us because we’re the guys making sure elected Republicans use conservatism to enact policy. We’re the guys that got it in
the Reagan Administration.” People have been giving money to the
Party, to these think tanks, to these policy gurus, and now they’re
asking, “Where’s the conservatism? I haven’t seen any conservatism
in ten, twenty years. Where is it?”
BUCHANAN: Exactly. When I was running against Bob Dole, I fi-
nally got it. I said, “Bob, how can you call me an ‘extremist’ when
by the end of this campaign you’ve picked up and reiterated every-
thing I’ve said, and adopted most of my positions?” The electorate
is conservative and traditionalist and populist, but the problem is
once they speak on Election Day, they go silent. Then the boys
come out of the K Street sanctuaries, “We understand why you had
to say what you did out there during the campaign, but now we’ve
got to get this Trans-Pacific Partnership through.”
That’s when the donor class speaks loudest, and the editorial
writers and the Beltway elites, media and political, they all speak
loud then, and we continue moving in the same direction. It’s clear
Trump threatens all that. He’s not part of it. [Laughs] He doesn’t
even know the language.
“The Republican Party has to come to grips with the fact that
its agenda is dead. It’s been repudiated, rejected. That’s why
Jeb Bush went home early.” — PAT BUCHANAN